canuck
Active Member
That doesn't answer the question.
It did as far as I was concerned - I asked what you meant by personal freedom. You didn't answer. Give me an example and I'll answer you.
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That doesn't answer the question.
I don't think freedom is what we are talking about. It is more about Privacy wouldn't you say? I mean freedom isn't being reduced here. Just privacy, right? Or am I missing something?
and go on to give a specific example of why they are concerned:"We say this in the book, that you need to fight for your privacy or you're going to lose it. "
We were in Britain last week; there was a terrible terrorist act -- one soldier was killed by one apparently lone Muslim extremist in the entire country. And the whole country's excited about this, it's obviously a terrible thing, one person's dead. The home secretary calls for broad regulations and surveillance of the Internet. Not a good thing. So it's easy for governments to overreact and take away your privacy, your security, and so forth in the name of the security.
I don't think it is a question of security vs privacy. The two can co-exist. It is more about having controls in place about the collection and more importantly the use or re-use of the data collected and a culture of transparency and accountability. With great power comes great responsibility, but when a Government does something in secret and then lies about it and vilifies the person who exposes it, that power is not being accompanied by responsibility but by corruption and an abuse of power. Government is FOR the people, not OVER the people and every one, especially the Government, would do well to remember that.
The Justice Department said it was "disappointed" in the decision by Hong Kong authorities to allow Snowden to leave the semi-autonomous Chinese territory, ...... "In light of this, we find their decision to be particularly troubling."
"The WikiLeaks legal team and I are interested in preserving Mr. Snowden's rights and protecting him as a person," Garzon said. "What is being done to Mr. Snowden and to Mr. Julian Assange -- for making or facilitating disclosures in the public interest -- is an assault against the people."
Snowden "betrayed the trust and confidence we had in him" and is "not acting, in my opinion, with noble intent."
"This was an individual with top-secret clearance, whose duty it was to administer these networks," Alexander said. "He betrayed that confidence and stole some of our secrets."
He said the super-secret communications intelligence agency has changed passwords and procedures since Snowden's disclosures -- "But at the end of the day, we have to trust that our people are going to do the right thing."
Apparently no espionage tool that Congress gives the National Security Agency is big enough or intrusive enough to satisfy the agency’s inexhaustible appetite for delving into the communications of Americans. Time and again, the N.S.A. has pushed past the limits that lawmakers thought they had imposed to prevent it from invading basic privacy, as guaranteed by the Constitution.
It was bad enough in 2008 when Congress allowed the agency to spy without a warrant on e-mails and text messages between Americans and foreign targets of an investigation. That already strained the Fourth Amendment’s protections against illegal searches, but lawmakers decided it was justified as part of a terror investigation.
It turns out, as Charlie Savage revealed in The Times on Thursday, that the N.S.A. went far beyond those boundaries. Instead, it copies virtually all overseas messages that Americans send or receive, then scans them to see if they contain any references to people or subjects the agency thinks might have a link to terrorists.
That could very well include innocent communications between family members expressing fears of a terror attack. Or messages between an editor and a reporter who is covering international security issues. Or the privileged conversation between a lawyer and a client who is being investigated.
Data collection on this scale goes far beyond what Congress authorized, and it clearly shreds a common-sense understanding of the Fourth Amendment. It’s as if the government were telling its citizens not to even talk about security issues in private messages or else they will come to the attention of the nation’s spies. “By injecting the N.S.A. into virtually every crossborder interaction, the U.S. government will forever alter what has always been an open exchange of ideas,” said Jameel Jaffer, the deputy legal director of the American Civil Liberties Union.
Obama administration officials justified this unwarranted expansion of surveillance powers with the usual hairsplitting arguments over semantics. It’s not “bulk collection” of messages if the messages aren’t stored, they said (even if every message is analyzed by supercomputers as it is sent). It’s legitimate to search through conversations “about” a target, even if the target isn’t part of the conversation. Naturally, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court approved these half-baked assertions with a secret opinion.
The disclosure of this practice makes it more urgent than ever that Congress clamp down on what is unquestionably the bulk collection of American communications and restrict it to clear targets of an investigation. Despite President Obama’s claim this week that “there is no spying on Americans,” the evidence shows that such spying is greater than the public ever knew.
Why is it the "Obama" or "Bush" Administration when the President is powerless? Why not point a finger at the real culprits? A political system with no accountability and too many powers behind the scenes.
He said there was accountability and denied certain actions were taking place, it turns out, that was false. That is why he gets blame. Enough to make you throw a vote away by voting third party.